Prize Bond Results

RESULTS of the elections to the Legislative Assembly of Gujarat were long awaited because Chief Minister Narendra Modi had acquired considerable notoriety over the last decade. He had presided over the pogrom of the Muslims of the state in 2002, an offence for which the US State Department still refuses to grant him a visa to that country Prize Bond Results.

Modi has expressed no contrition and made not the slightest effort to make amends for the loss of 2,000 lives. Not only that, he went on to consolidate the Hindu community’s support by what can only be described as a campaign of hate. That accomplished, he began asserting his independence from his party, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) central leadership and its mentor, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Prize Bond Results.

Having won his first assembly election in 2002 after the pogrom and the next in 2007 on a similar stance, he made a bid for victory in 2012 on the platform for the BJP leadership in the 2014 general election in order to ultimately emerge as prime minister of India. It was not the Muslims and the secularists alone who waited for the poll results with bated breath. So did the BJP’s leadership and the RSS cabal. Since independence few elections to a state assembly have been watched with such keen interest as the polls in Gujara Prize Bond Results t.

On paper the results declared on Dec 20 would suggest that Modi’s rise has been checked. In a house of 182 seats he won 115 seats, two short of the tally in 2007. The Congress won 61 seats, two more than it won in 2007. However, even as results were being declared, printed placards surfaced declaring Modi as the next prime minister. They were obviously printed well in advance for the predicted victory.

Modi himself emerged in public and, in a rare performance, eschewed Gujarati to declaim triumphantly in Hindi, the national language. The symbolism was not lost on the BJP’s leaders. His supporters predict that the 2014 general elections to the Lok Sabha will witness a straight fight between Narendra Modi and Rahul Gandhi. At 62, Modi can face reverses more than once as he pursues his ambition Prize Bond Results.

The crucial question is what do his politics portend for the future of India’s polity? He claimed: “The entire election was fought here on the plank of development. Gujarat has endorsed the plank of development and has voted accordingly.” Both claims are false. He freely exploited the communal factor, and his speeches were laced with attacks on Manmohan Singh, Sonia Gandhi and others in coarse language. He accused the prime minister of selling out Sir Creek to Pakistan. Not one Muslim was awarded the party’s ticket for the polls.

Modi was a hard-core RSS pracharak (volunteer) who was seconded to the BJP. In 2001, he was sent from the BJP’s headquarters in New Delhi to Gujarat to replace Keshubhai Patel as chief minister.

The burning of the train at Godhra in 2002 provided an opportunity to whip up hatred towards Muslims. A pogrom followed Prize Bond Results.

The hatred persists. From mixed localities Muslims have moved into ghettos. Politically they are marginalised. So deep is the demoralisation that a few significant sections of Muslims decided to make peace with Modi.

In the run-up to the 2007 elections Sonia called him a “maut ka saudagar” (merchant of death). During the recent polls however, none dared attack him along those lines as it would have alienated the Hindus who back him. Muslims constitute 10 per cent of the total population. The BJP won in 24 constituencies which had more than 15 per cent Muslim voters. In nine seats with 25 per cent or more Muslims, the BJP won seven, including one in which they had a 60 per cent majority and another in which they had nearly 50. The number of Muslims in the assembly is down to two from five in 2007 Prize Bond Results.

The contest was between a Congress afraid to fight for secularism, let alone for redress of Muslim grievances, and a BJP which is increasingly communal. A minority community has some leverage in a multi-party contest, very little in a polity divided on religious lines. If Modi launched a sadbhavna (harmony) campaign last year it was not to woo the Muslims but to project himself as a moderate on the national level. During the campaign he firmly refused to put on a skull cap presented to him by a Muslim while accepting all manner of other caps which were offered to him. The message was driven home forcefully.

Modi’s false claims on development have been exposed thoroughly. Gujarat ranks 14th and ninth respectively in men’s and women’s rural wage rates among the country’s 20 major states. The network of super highways, which impress some, cannot conceal the awful state of roads in the interior and the abject poverty that is the norm there. Meanwhile big business has rallied behind Modi.

The BJP leaders in New Delhi had no say in the award of party tickets nor were they assigned a role in the election campaign. Prize Bond Results It was Narendra Modi’s show entirely and exclusively. Therein lies his greatest strength and greatest weakness. He has undoubtedly emerged as a powerful regional satrap but has in the process alienated some in the BJP and the RSS, their allies in the National Democratic Alliance — especially the Chief Minister of Bihar Nitish Kumar — and very many across the country.

In 2013 there will be elections to five state assemblies. Will Modi campaign in any of them? For that matter will he tour the country to project himself as a ‘national’ leader? In that event what will be the country’s response? If he manages to win significant popular support outside Gujarat, will the BJP adopt him as leader, as in 1990-1992 when L.K. Advani launched his Hindutva hate campaign Prize Bond Results?

In 2014 India will battle for its soul once again. As before it is certain to triumph for the hate campaign is assured of failure. The souffle cannot rise twice.

The writer is an author and a lawyer based in Mumbai.

Pakistani Wedding Dresses | Girls Feet

To review this movie is like the cult version of inception. Any praise or critique or even acknowledgement is in clear violation of the first, second and third rules of the entire concept of Fight Club Beautiful Girls Wallpapers..
It starts out with the threat of a bang, The Narrator (Edward Norton) deep throating a gun that’s being shoved in his mouth by Tyler Durden (Brad Pitt). Later we see how The Narrator leads the epitome of a consumerist lifestyle, his personality defined by mass produced Swedish furniture. His life is mundane and dictated by catalogues. The protagonist works as product recall specialist and suffers from insomnia. To overcome his nights of sleeplessness he starts going to group sessions for people suffering from terminal diseases.
There is an idea here, that this generation cannot feel anything outside itself. If by chance it does choose to venture out to witness the suffering of others, it is for the selfish gain of respite for oneself. ‘I wasn’t really dying, I wasn’t hosting cancer or parasites, I was the warm little center that the life of this world crowded around.’ This is what the audience witnesses with The Narrator. His solution to being an insomniac is firstly to acquire narcotics through prescription and when that fails; to indulge in the German concept of schadenfruede, which loosely translated means ‘to take delight in others misfortunes.’ After he cries with them he declares ‘babies don’t sleep so well.’ Girls Feet. Pakistani Wedding Dresses.

It is there that he meets Marla Singer (Helena Bonham Carter), he recognises in her his own hypocrisy and his cure stops being effective. He is sleepless once again. On one of his flights back from a business trip he meets Tyler Durden, manufacturer of soap and by the sounds of it, explosives. A series of unfortunate events later The Narrator ends up being convinced to hit Tyler Durden, a man he doesn’t know from Adam, straight in the ear. Their scuffle proving to be beyond cathartic, they keep up their shenanigans till a secret society is formed. People join in for the same philosophies that inspired that first punch in the ear; ‘How much can you know about yourself if you’ve never been in a fight? I don’t wanna die without any scars’.
Released in 1999, the same year of the Matrix and the Y2K false alarm, Fight Club brings to us the resentment towards the faceless corporations being given a free lease to manhandle our present and future. Perhaps it was the fear of the end of the digital world as we knew it, threatening to send us all back to a time before 1950 that slandering authority and the likes of IKEA and Microsoft was trusted to appeal to movie-goers. Either way, it worked.

Fight Club is reminiscent of Graham Greene’s 1954 The Destructors where a group of young boys indulges in the meticulous destruction of a house for the sake of creating chaos. The appeal in the movie lies with the aggression that is exuded so calmly and the obliteration of order and control.

The first few scenes are enough evidence to show the audience all the ways in which marketing, corporate greed and made-for-TV expectations have trivialised real life and are having an adverse impact on the characters met with on the screen. There is a blatant disregard for human life, even one’s own as we see Marla striding across relentless heavy traffic with reckless abandon. It is a very basic point of the movie that everyone shown is immensely desensitised to human suffering; ‘if X (compensation for human fatality) is less than the cost of recall (of the faulty product that caused said human fatality), we don’t do it.’

The Narrator is the archetypical hero of tragedy, an orphan (in this context without anyone to rely on in his time of need), someone without a past, a tumultuous present and a potentially lethal future. It’s tastefully done, with enough scorn for capitalism for you to feel some rage at the bleakness of your situation and mine. Yet it loops in on itself. Don’t get me wrong it’s a brilliant movie but I find it brilliant because it makes you feel like a spider trapped inside a glass.

For all its anti-establishment and anti-corporate overtones, man is still just a slave. He is bound first to his blue collar job and then to some schizophrenic, paranoid, demented man who possesses eloquence and graceful psychosis. Fight Club is just another church for the passive-aggressive turned aggressive-aggressive.


DUBAI: Dubai is suddenly rediscovering its old habits. That means relentless hype and construction plans loaded with superlatives. Case in point: A proposed Taj Mahal replica four times bigger than the original.     
Leaders, too, are back swaggering with a mojo that seems aimed to wipe away memories of the city’s humbling fiscal collapse just three years ago. ”We do not anticipate the future,” said Dubai’s ruler Sheik Mohammad bin Rashid Al Maktoum in announcing plans for a new ”desertopolis” that will bear his name. ”We build it.”
It all rings very familiar. The same type of super-charged ambition reshaped Dubai beginning in the 1990s and left an impressive legacy including the world’s tallest skyscraper, a villa-studded island shaped like a palm, malls packed with top retailers and tourist and business networks that are the envy of the Middle East. But it also helped drive the emirate over the edge. Pakistani Wedding Dresses | Girls Feet
The global financial crisis smacked Dubai particularly hard after years of increasingly shaky construction funding schemes, where state-linked developers often used money collected for one unfinished project to start another. As credit dried up, the deeply indebted Dubai government had to scale back sharply just to meet its bills.
It took a $10 billion bailout from oil-rich neighbor Abu Dhabi in 2009 just to give it some breathing room to begin selling off assets and negotiating with creditors for billions more owed by the city-state.
Now with another generation of outsized projects on the drawing boards some are questioning whether the pre-bust creed of bigger-is-better still makes sense in a more cautious world. Pakistani Wedding Dresses | Girls Feet
The Great Recession pummeled the type of high-risk investors who would once sink money into a project that was still just a plot of sand and desert brush. But Dubai is still betting heavily on long-term appetite for the kind of self-contained, mega-scapes that were among the main casualties of its fiscal meltdown. The new wave of projects also marks an important shift for Dubai away from housing-oriented developments toward more entertainment and tourism, particularly with visitors from China sharply on the rise. The proposed Mohammad bin Rashid City named after Dubai’s ruler  includes a shopping complex that will surpass the world’s largest, the Dubai Mall, just down the road. Nick Maclean, the managing director of property advisers CB Richard Ellis Middle East says the investment climate is on the rebound. Dubai’s economy grew a healthy 4.1 percent for the first six months of 2012 compared with the same period last year, officials said Monday. But Maclean and others still cast wary eyes on frontier areas such as desert outskirts where many of the giant projects are planned.
”We tell developers that the time is not right for them to build speculatively because we see very limited demand,” he said in an interview this month with Big Project Middle East, which follows major development initiatives in the region.
Consider the marketing push ahead for the proposed satellite city: 100 hotels, a theme park in collaboration with Universal Studios, a green space somewhere in size between London’s Hyde Park and New York’s Central Park, and the mother of all malls.
But there’s no lack of confidence from its namesake. ”The current facilities available in Dubai need to be scaled up in line with the future ambitions of the city,” said Dubai ruler Sheik Mohammad.
Another planned development literally just over the horizon delves even deeper into the Dubai’s penchant for alternative realities such as an indoor ski slope or an archipelago shaped liked the world’s continents.
The lavishly named Falconcity of Wonders was first unveiled during the height of Dubai’s white-hot growth five years ago, but later fell victim to the financial crisis. It’s now back on the agenda with ethnic-themed sections that include replicas of the Eiffel Tower, the Giza Pyramids and the leaning Tower of Pisa. Pakistani Wedding Dresses | Girls Feet
So far, the only significant outrage from abroad is over a proposed version of the Taj Mahal  the ”Taj Arabia”  that’s four times larger than the original in Agra south of New Delhi.  ”It is patently wrong and absurd,” a former Agra legislator, Satish Chandra Gupta, told Indian media.
The developers, however, predict it will be a major draw for wedding parties among Dubai’s large Indian community and growing tourism from the subcontinent.
The Indian outreach doesn’t end there. A Bollywood theme park is part of a $2.7 billion five-park complex announced by the office of Dubai’s ruler. It also seems to be Sheik Mohammad’s grand response to the fiscal nosedive that shutdown plans for several theme parks, leaving more than one colorful gateway-to-nowhere in the desert.
”Hubris,” said Christopher Davidson, an expert on Gulf affairs at Britain’s Durham University, referring to the blitz of new mega-projects.